1. Google translated:
  2. Transcript of handwritten statement by Hans Aumeier, Oslo, June 29, 1945
  3. Original: http://www.fpp.co.uk/Auschwitz/Aumeier/MS2_290645.html
  4. 1
  5. Prisoner Oslo, June 29, 45
  6. No. 211 CIII 14
  7. Aumeier
  8. In July 1932 1930 I became SS-Sturm 1 / II / 1. Standard occurred. From September 1929 to March 1933 I was unemployed and then came to the readiness of the administrative office SS-Munich, where I was also active as a driver in the Eagle Garage.
  9. On January 15, 1934, I joined the skull and crossbones in Dachau. After my education, I was used as a trainer in recruit training. After passing the platoon test I was promoted to Untersturmführer in November 1934 and in November 1934 to Obersturmführer. Until the spring of 1937, I was head of the recruit department. Then I came with the 12.Wachkompanie to Weimar as Wachko [m] ando to the Reichsstatthalterei and Ministry of the Interior. In July 1937 to January 1938 I came to the Burg Vogelsan Castle in the Eifel as Wachko [m] and guide. In the end, despite my four-year commitment period, I had to go to Dachau again on a guide course and stay there until the invasion of Austria in mid-March. We stayed until the beginning of autumn 1938 in Salzburg and the surrounding area, as Wach- and Streifenko [m] ando. In October 1938 we came to Asch, Franzensbad and Eger as the same Ko [m] ando.
  10. In November 1938 I was promoted to Hauptsturmführer. Despite my request for Rückversetzung for driving readiness administrative office Munich, I would have to continue to remain with the TV and was transferred in the summer of 1939 to T. Sturmbann to Flohsenbürg. After the beginning of the war, I twice wrote to be sent to the front, but was always rejected.
  11. In June 1942, I was transferred to the KL Auschwitz, where I was appointed head of the detachment III and Schutzhaftlagerführer. In Auschwitz I remained until the end of May 1943. I was there instructed by my representative Obersturmführer Schwarz. In the absence of the then camp commandant Obersturmfuhrer Höh, I was his most senior leader.
  12. I had the task there to ensure order and cleanliness, timely shutdown of the Arbeitsko [m] andos, as well as for the entire inner warehouse operations.
  13. At the same time, I would also need to prepare the appraisals for inmates who were to be released. On average, these were 20 men a day.
  14. I worked in the camp I and at the time of my taking over of the camp the strength was about 13-14,000 men. The camp itself was still under construction and had been in existence for two years already. The mortality rate of the prisoners at that time was 4-6 men a day, but has greatly increased as a result of the commencement of large-scale transports of Jews from Ruhsland, Slovakia, Holland and France. The camp was overcrowded and the prisoners were taken to a new Birkenau camp under construction. In the fall of 1942, typhus fever occurred in the camp, so that all camps were closed for about 8-10 weeks. The mortality increased, it also died about 40 SS men at this time. In the spring of 1943, Paraty [p] hus, caused by bad water, continued to keep mortality excessively high. To my knowledge, about 3,000-3,500 prisoners died during my time there. The prisoners who died before my time had been buried for the most part and were dug up and burned again in the early summer of 1942 until the spring of 1943.
  15. In the camp I there was a crematorium consisting of 2 ovens. There the bodies were burned. The crematorium was under the head of the political department and the camp doctor. In my time there were 2 or 3 crematories in Birkenau [sic. Crematoria] under construction. I do not know anything about Gaska, nor was any prisoner gassed in my time. When I was transferred, there were about 54,000 inmates in Auschwitz and Birkenau, including ci. [Sic. ca] 15,000 women and children. Inmates who fell ill were transferred to the hospital, which was under the sole responsibility of the camp doctor.
  16. The camp doctor would also have to be present every day when leaving the labor camp and would have to find sick prisoners, because they were not allowed to move out to work, but were assigned to the protection inmates or the hospital. From gas syringes I only know, there were Polish prisoners who were active as nurses in the infirmary, German prisoners who were admitted to the hospital, wanted to poison. These were so-called capos.
  17. This was communicated to me by the head of the political department charged with the investigation. To my knowledge, it was only an attempt and not execution. As a result, the German prisoners were very afraid of the infirmary and did not want to be stopped in case of illness. The camp doctor then replaced almost all Polish caretakers and for the most part occupied them with Jewish doctors.
  18. According to my rules and orders, the inmates could not be bargained and beaten. I had no punishment and only to see that as many prisoners as possible remained healthy and came to work. For the service I was subordinated to 50-60 SS men as a block u. Auxiliary block leader.
  19. I had to inform them weekly about their duty and, in particular, reminded them of the Reichsführer orders regarding the prohibition of the misconduct of inmates. Even during my time, only two cases are known to me, after which two block leaders beat two inmates with their feet into action. These men were punished with arrest by the co-molander.
  20. In July 1942, the Reichsführer Hi [l] ler visited the camp. On this occasion, I personally presented my request for transfer to the Front. But I was energetically dismissed with the suggestion to do my ministry where I am placed.
  21. My request was made in writing in March 1943 to Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl.
  22. At the end of May 1943 I had to report to Oranienburg and group leader Glücks informed me that I was heading for the higher SS. Police Leader Let [t] land SS-Obergruppenführer Jeckeln was transferred. Jeckeln also led a fighting group in the east and I was happy to join the front. At the beginning of June 1943, I registered with him and the SS economist in Riga. Unfortunately, I was not actively assigned to the force but had to report to the SS construction brigade of the 3rd SS (germ.) Panzerkorps. This construction brigade built positions and beams for the 3rd PK as well as for the 18th Army Corps in the section Oranienbaum - Leningrad. Furthermore, the OT-Oberbauleitung A, which belonged to the OT Einsatzgruppe Ruhsland-Nord under the leadership of the Senior Building Director Gimple, was subordinated. I had the task of properly managing the camps of the Jews from Ruhsland and Littauen who worked for the construction brigade and the OT, properly cladding them and then putting them to work at the OT.
  23. I discovered a total of about 7,000 Jews and housed them in various camps built by the OT in Nordruhsland and Northern Estonia. To guard I had an Estonian police patrol. allocated. The inmates were all well accommodated and received as food the troop meal rate III, which was higher than the civilian population.
  24. When the Russians attacked Leningrad at the end of January 1944, I would have to make various rearward movements with the Jews, which could, however, be carried out without any particular difficulty. Only once were 2 Russians shot dead by Russian firearms fire. The mortality was very low and during the whole mission from July 43 to August 1944, only about 60 mostly older prisoners died. The situation worsened, and so I received permission from the senior police chief to transport the Jews to Germany.
  25. The Marineko [m] ando Reval, under the leadership of Corvette Captain Nicol, provided two large freighters at an additional con fi guration of a convoy, and at 20.8. In 1944 the Jews were shipped to Danzig-Stutthof. To guard I had parked 80 Estonian policemen and 12 German Unterführer with Germany. After completion of my official errands with the 3rd SS PK and the OT, I went back to Riga with 20 German underlings and was there a police Batl. (284?) Of the Kampfgruppe Jeckeln 4. Comp. Assigned as 1st platoon leader (Hastuf). The Batl. was in formation and field training and we were 30-40 km from Riga in Adaci. A mission to the island of Osel failed because of the Russian Air Force. Towards the end of October,
  26. [The text continues to be written on pages 12-14 with machine as follows.]
  27. In 1944, shortly before Riga's task, we were loaded to Gotenhafen.
  28. I was then assigned to report to group leader Glücks in Berlin-Oranienburg. I executed this order and made a request to return to the troupe. Above all, I wanted to go to Munich to look for my family, since I had no news since August. My request was to match the group leader Glucks and move me to the troop in Dachau. Meanwhile, I fell seriously ill on tie-u. Corneal inflammation and was admitted to the eye department of the SS-Lazarettes My illness lasted until mid-January 1945. At my release I had to report on Sunday the 21.1.45 at the Sturmbannführer Harbaum in Oranienburg. I was meanwhile effective v. 9.11.44 promoted to Sturmbannführer.
  29. Harbaum told me if I wanted to go to Norway. I said to him, pointing out that I wanted to go to Munich and that I wanted to look for my family for the first time on vacation. He informed me, however, that Gruppenfuhrer Pohl had ordered that, so to speak, on vacation on 14 days with the Obersturmbannführer Pauli on Monday 22.1. must fly and get the further instructions from Pauli. I then asked group leaders to speak luck, but he told me the same and so I came on Monday the 22.1. in the evening by plane to Oslo. Obersturmbannführer Pauli was from Danzig and he informed me that on Saturday, 20.1. Pohl was commissioned to in Norway to inquire whether it is possible to open a camp in central or southern Norway, which can hold 2 to 3,000 men and can be used as a business camp. I specifically asked what I should do and whether it should be a KL. He said no to me and showed me two secret letters, in which the first mention was made of a report by Obersturmbannfuhrer Weiß, allegedly in the summer of 1944 in Norway for clarification. In this report, Weiß told Gruppenfuhrer Pohl that there is a prison camp in Grini in Norway under the control of the BDS in Oslo and that there is no possibility of opening a camp other than KL in Norway. In the second letter, which was addressed by the Reichsfuhrer SS to the senior police leader Redies, and dated from October or November, it was announced that the Reichsführer had expressly prohibited the opening of a KL in Norway for political reasons and himself. BDS has to take care of the placement of the prisoners themselves.
  30. We should then on Tuesday the 23.1. Report to the SS-Wirtschafter Standartenführer Prietzel and receive further instructions there. Prietzel, however, was on a business trip in Berlin. Over the next few days, we reported to police chief Redies and Pauli presented his assignment in my presence. Redies expressed that he can not help because he has no camp and we should wait until the economist comes back, because he would have to know. Standartenführer Prietzel came back from Berlin the following week. He told us that he had to carry out economic transfers and use prisoners from Grini to build up the camps. It would now be up to the Wehrmacht to clear an existing camp in these designated areas, so that one could manage without a lot of manpower. We then drove in the following days to visit Stavern at Larvik, to Elverum, Drammen and Mysen.
  31. After completion of the visits, Prietzel informed in the presence of Pauli and me, the Obergruppenführer Redies, that the Wehrmacht could only provide the camp Mysen and this would also serve the troops-economic purposes, after further expansion and creation of barracks. Redies agreed with that and Pauli got the assignment to write his report accordingly after returning to Berlin. Pauli then reported the completion of his visit to Berlin and returned to Berlin on 7 February. I was ordered to wait in Oslo until the arrival of an Intendant. In the meantime, I received an order from Berlin to look after the workforce to expand the Mysen camp. I got in touch with the officer in charge of the General for Prisoner of War, Hauptmann Scharf or Scharte, and the Wehrmacht took away 61 Russian prisoners of war with 20 men from the Wehrmacht. The Russians worked on the expansion from mid-February to about mid-March 1945. At the beginning of March, the Wehrmacht informed me that the prisoners of war had to be withdrawn, as they were to be shipped to Germany. I then turned to the SS-economist Prietzel, who was in negotiations with the police leader and the BdS Fehlis, for the purpose of dismissing prisoners from Grini. Fehlis agreed to the job, but he could not provide any security. The Wehrmacht or the police could not provide a watch, so that the structure was in question. Personally, this could only be right, because I still wanted to go back to Germany. Meanwhile Redies demanded from Pohl in the meantime security guards from Berlin, which were promised to him as soon as possible, on the condition that Redies would have to provide for the armament.
  32. Towards the end of March 45, 150 men were sent to watchmen's teams with some subordinates from Oranienburg. The men were from Hungary and only a few weeks to training in Germany and for the most part not yet trained.
  33. The Russians were actually withdrawn upon arrival and about 340-350 Norwegian prisoners from Grini were put at my disposal.
  34. The prisoners were well accommodated in 4 barracks and had everything their own personal luggage at their disposal in the camp. In their spare time they also had smoking permits. I got in touch with the leader of the Norwegian Red Cross, Mr Aas of Mysen, and he further improved the prisoner's diet, distributing tobacco products and distributing daily newspapers and books to entertain detainees during their free time.
  35. During his visit to Mysen, the camp leader of Grini informed me that he could only inform the BdS that the prisoners were properly and properly housed. But he also told me that it was forbidden to accept food and other rations for the inmates from the Norwegian Red Cross. But I told him that firstly I did not report to the BdS but to the SS-economist, who had also approved it, and secondly that I took the view that if the prisoners should work, then they also needed it properly eat. I also expressed this position to the Norwegian Red Cross leader in Oslo, who visited me in Mysen with Mr. Aas and whom I showed the kitchen equipment and washing facilities, and he continued to ensure that the prisoners were given special allocations.
  36. At the capitulation of Germany on 7 May, at noon on the afternoon of 17 May, without any special instructions from any department, I ordered the immediate release of all inmates and released the camp for Norwegian civilians and relatives of prisoners to visit and to enter.
  37. The inmates decided to leave Mysen on 8 May and spend the night in the camp. In the meantime, Mr Aas has provided transport facilities for the railway and on 8 May the camp inmates have left Mysen in complete order.
  38. From Oslo I received orders to report to the guards in the Majority School. Trucks for removal were provided by the police. On the 8th of May, I handed over the camp Mysen to the Wehrmacht and registered with the men in Oslo. We were taken to the Ulleval Police Station and on 9 May to the Terningmoen camp near Elverum.
  39. I was arrested there on June 11th.
  40. Prisoner No. 211
  41. Aumeier
  42. [Stamp: PWIS (NORWAY).]